Economic Insecurity and Migrant Job-Seeking in South Africa
Opening: Stories and Statistics That Set the Scene
In the early morning light of a township in Johannesburg, 29‑year‑old “Grace” (name changed) checks her cell phone yet again. She left Harare in 2019, hopeful of earning enough in South Africa to send money home. She initially found casual domestic work in Soweto. Then the pandemic hit. Lockdown meant no work, no pay, and no safety net. Today she attends informal job‑meetings for day labour on construction sites, sells airtime on the side, and helps with childcare for neighbours for a few rand. Her job‑seeking strategy has shifted drastically because the job market changed.
Across South Africa, the formal job market remains weak. In its 2025 economic survey, the OECD reports that only about 40% of working‑age South Africans are employed — a figure well below the G20 emerging‑market average. (oecd.org) For migrants from Zimbabwe, whose entry into South Africa often led them to low‑paid, informal, and insecure work, this means that economic insecurity drives how they search for work, adapt to obstacles, and manage risk.
This blog explores how Zimbabwean migrants in South Africa have changed their job‑seeking strategies post-pandemic. It analyses policy gaps, draws on empirical evidence (2020‑2025), presents real anonymised examples, incorporates intersectional perspectives (gender, age, documentation status), and offers actionable recommendations for policymakers, NGOs, and practitioners.
Economic Context and Policy Landscape
South Africa’s Labour Market
South Africa’s economy entered the pandemic with labour-market fragilities: high unemployment, a large informal sector, and uneven growth. The OECD survey highlights that informality is low relative to other emerging economies, leaving many excluded from formal jobs entirely without income. (oecd.org)
The pandemic worsened conditions: between February and June 2020, South Africa lost approximately 2.8 million jobs, and informal-sector employment dropped sharply. (link.springer.com) For Zimbabwean migrants, pre-pandemic migration to South Africa was often driven by economic shocks in Zimbabwe (hyperinflation, unemployment, deteriorating public services) and the hope of better opportunity. (pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov) Many migrants entered informal, low-wage employment—domestic help, petty trade, hospitality, vending—with weak legal protections, especially if undocumented. (journals.e-palli.com)
Post-Pandemic Shifts in Job-Seeking
Economic insecurity has forced migrants to change how they find work. Several trends have emerged:
Informal Work and Day-Labour
Many migrants increasingly rely on informal day-labour and casual jobs. Informal jobs with minimal entry barriers became necessary when formal hiring remained stagnant. For instance, undocumented Zimbabwean migrants in Johannesburg’s hospitality sector accepted longer hours, tip-based work, and no contracts. (link.springer.com)
Diversification of Income
Migrants combine multiple small sources of income: domestic work, vending, childcare, or home-based services. The pandemic depleted savings, forcing migrants to rely on remittances or borrow from networks. (archpublichealth.biomedcentral.com)
Entrepreneurial Strategies
Some migrants turn to self-employment, starting small retail, vending, or cross-border trade, despite border disruptions. The World Bank reports immigrants in South Africa are more likely to be self-employed than locals (25% vs 16%). (worldbank.org)
Mobility and Flexibility
Migrants move between cities (Pretoria to Johannesburg) or sectors (construction to gig work) to chase income. Younger men or undocumented workers often accept lower pay or less-secure conditions.
Vulnerability and Exploitation
Undocumented status and weak labour protections mean job-seeking often prioritises survival over rights. A 2025 study on undocumented migrants in Johannesburg found those with fewer assets are forced into riskier work. (repository.nwu.ac.za)
Gender, Age, and Documentation
Women often accept domestic or childcare jobs but face exploitation and immobility. Documentation status shapes opportunity: documented migrants access formal jobs, while undocumented migrants rely entirely on informal networks.
Policy Gaps Hindering Migrant Employment
Despite South Africa’s employment and migration legislation, practical gaps remain:
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Access to formal employment: Recognition of foreign credentials is limited; undocumented migrants are excluded from most programmes.
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Informal sector regulation: Low regulation leaves migrants vulnerable in cash-based work.
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Social protection: Migrants are often excluded from relief programmes, including pandemic-era support. (mifood.org)
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Intersectional invisibility: Policies rarely consider gender, age, nationality, documentation status, and informal work simultaneously.
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Data gaps: Limited recent quantitative data exists on Zimbabwean migrants’ post-pandemic employment strategies.
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Employer incentives and regulation: Few initiatives promote decent work for migrants or reduce exploitation.
Evidence from South Africa’s Major Urban Areas
Johannesburg and Pretoria
Undocumented migrants in Pretoria reported job losses during lockdown. They shifted to informal trading, vending, and day-labour. (repository.nwu.ac.za)
Cape Town
The MiFOOD 2021 survey found 72% of Zimbabwean migrant households experienced unemployment during the pandemic. (mifood.org)
Hospitality and Gig Work
A 2025 study highlighted that undocumented workers in Johannesburg’s hospitality sector accepted no contracts and relied on tips-only pay, adapting strategies to survive. (link.springer.com)
These studies confirm migrants adapt through diversification, informality, self-employment, and mobility.
Real Anonymised Examples
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Michael, 32, undocumented: Migrated from Bulawayo to Johannesburg construction work. Pandemic closure forced him into day-labour (R300–R350/day) and mobile airtime vending. He uses WhatsApp groups to find casual jobs.
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Patricia, 27, documented: Came to Cape Town on a Section 22 visa. Domestic work hours cut post-pandemic; she started home-based childcare and sold baked goods via social media.
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Samuel, 22, undocumented: Lost hospitality job in Johannesburg. Shifted to ride-hailing and food delivery. Mixes gig work with informal recycling. Income is highly variable.
Innovative Solutions and Successful Programmes
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Skills recognition and bridging programmes: Help migrants validate foreign credentials for formal markets.
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Migrant-friendly employment services: NGOs provide job-matching, micro-enterprise training, and financial literacy support.
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Micro-grant and vending-space allocation: City programmes in Johannesburg support migrant entrepreneurs.
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Intersectional support clusters: Target young women migrants with mentorship, small grants, and business networks.
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Regional labour partnerships: Facilitate skill recognition and legal pathways for migrants.
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Data-driven monitoring: Embedding labour-market tracking in city systems enhances targeted support. (archpublichealth.biomedcentral.com)
Recommendations and Implementation Timeline
| Stakeholder | Action | Timeline |
|---|---|---|
| National Government | Expand documentation pathways; simplify foreign credential recognition | Medium (12‑24 m) |
| Include migrants in social protection and relief programmes | Short (0‑12 m) | |
| City/Provincial Government | Establish migrant employment hubs and support vending micro-enterprises | Short/Medium (0‑24 m) |
| NGOs/Community Organisations | Launch micro-enterprise and peer mentorship programmes for young women migrants | Short (0‑12 m) |
| Labour Unions & Employers | Develop decent-work accords and referral systems for migrants | Medium (12‑24 m) |
| Academic/Research Institutions | Conduct longitudinal studies on migrant job-seeking strategies | Long (24‑36 m) |
Limitations and Research Gaps
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Limited quantitative data on Zimbabwean migrants post-pandemic.
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Most evidence is qualitative; broader surveys would strengthen conclusions.
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Few longitudinal studies track long-term employment trajectories.
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Intersectional analyses combining age, gender, documentation, and region are scarce.
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Policy evaluation of intervention effectiveness remains limited.
Conclusion and Calls to Action
Economic insecurity has reshaped how Zimbabwean migrants search for work in South Africa. They increasingly rely on informal, flexible, and diversified strategies. Policymakers, NGOs, and city authorities must respond with deliberate, evidence-based interventions tailored to migrants’ realities, including documentation, gender, age, and informal economy considerations.
Calls to Action:
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Policymakers: Integrate migrant labour-market access and documentation reforms now.
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City/Provincial governments: Launch migrant employment hubs and vending programmes within 12 months.
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NGOs/Community groups: Develop micro-enterprise and peer mentorship programmes immediately.
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Researchers: Begin longitudinal studies (2025–2030) tracking migrant job-seeking strategies and outcomes.
Inclusive employment is not just an economic issue; it is a public health and social justice imperative.
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